Science

Only About 1% of People Are Truly Ambidextrous: 7 Things Scientists Have Learned

Houston Taabu
By Houston Taabu 5 min read

The post Only About 1% of People Are Truly Ambidextrous: 7 Things Scientists Have Learned first appeared on Crafting Your Home.

 

Most people have a preferred hand. For roughly 90% of people, that preference is the right hand, while about 10% are left-handed. A much smaller group has been described as ambidextrous, meaning they can use both hands with little or no overall preference. One large population study estimated this group at around 1%.

But there is an important catch: ambidexterity is more complicated than simply being comfortable using both hands. Researchers distinguish true ambidexterity from mixed-handedness, in which a person uses different hands for different activities.

Here are seven things scientists have learned about handedness and ambidexterity.

True ambidexterity is much rarer than most people think.

Image credit: 123 RF Photos
Someone who can occasionally use their non-dominant hand isn’t necessarily ambidextrous.

Researchers generally use the term ambidextrous for people who can perform tasks with either hand without a strong overall preference. Mixed-handed people, by comparison, may prefer one hand for certain activities and the other for different tasks.

That distinction matters because simply asking someone, “Are you ambidextrous?” can produce a different result from testing hand preference across multiple activities.

The famous 1% figure is an estimate, not a universal rule.

The often-repeated figure of about 1% comes from population research, including a large study that classified roughly 1% of people as having no clear hand preference.

But studies don’t always produce the same percentage.

For example, one study of 716 people classified 3.3% as ambidextrous using its particular questionnaire and criteria. A Finnish study of more than 30,000 adults found that 3.5% of singletons and 3.4% of twins reported being ambidextrous as children.

So “about 1%” is a useful broad estimate, but it shouldn’t be treated as a precise percentage that applies to every population.

Being able to use both hands doesn’t mean both hands are equally skilled.

A person might be able to perform an activity with either hand while still being noticeably better with one.
That is one reason scientists distinguish ability from preference when studying handedness. Someone may switch hands for convenience, practice, or the demands of a particular task without having equal dexterity in both hands.

Research on handedness therefore uses different questionnaires and performance tests rather than relying on a single activity such as writing.

Mixed-handedness is different from ambidexterity.

This may be the most important distinction.

Imagine someone who writes with the right hand but prefers the left hand for certain sports or household tasks. That person may be described as mixed-handed rather than truly ambidextrous.

Scientists have pointed out that a single question about writing hand can miss these differences. Broader handedness questionnaires examine preferences across several activities.

In other words, using both hands in everyday life doesn’t automatically make someone ambidextrous.

Hand preference begins developing surprisingly early.

Handedness isn’t simply a habit people choose as adults.

Research indicates that hand preference becomes established during early childhood, while observations of fetal behavior suggest that aspects of lateral preference can appear before birth. Researchers have also identified left-right differences in the developing nervous system very early in development.

Exactly why one person develops a strong preference for one hand while another develops a weaker preference remains a complicated scientific question.

Genes appear to play a role, but they don’t explain everything.

Scientists have found evidence that genetics contributes to differences in handedness, but no single “left-handed” or “ambidextrous” gene controls it.

A large genetic study estimated that common genetic markers explained only part of the variation in left-handedness and ambidexterity. The researchers also noted that how scientists measure handedness affects what they can conclude.

Environmental and developmental factors also appear to matter. One large population study found associations between left-handedness and factors including birth year, location, birthweight, multiple birth, and sex, although together these factors had limited ability to predict an individual’s hand preference.

People can become more comfortable using their weaker hand.

Being born with a particular hand preference doesn’t mean the other hand can never become highly capable.

Practice can improve performance with the non-preferred hand. This is particularly noticeable in activities where people routinely train themselves to use both hands.

Research involving ophthalmologists, for example, found that people who identified themselves as ambidextrous represented a much larger proportion of that professional group than the roughly 1% figure commonly reported for the general population. The researchers suggested that some participants may have been describing trained ambidexterity rather than naturally occurring ambidexterity.

That distinction matters: being trained to use both hands effectively isn’t necessarily the same as having no natural hand preference.

So, How Rare Is True Ambidexterity?

The answer depends on exactly how researchers define and measure it.

Around 1% is a commonly cited estimate for people with no clear overall hand preference. Still, other studies have produced higher figures when they use different definitions or rely on self-reporting.

What scientists can say with greater confidence is that handedness exists on a spectrum. People aren’t neatly divided into only “right-handed” and “left-handed.” Some have strong preferences, some have weaker preferences, some are mixed-handed, and a small proportion can use both hands with little apparent preference.

That makes ambidexterity less of a simple superpower and more of an intriguing example of how differently the human brain and body can organize everyday movement.

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